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Baidu search users ask “Why …(East Asian Countries)”

Two days ago, a Chinese-language newspaper in Taiwan reported an infographic map by Randal Olson, which reported the Google autocomplete results to gauge the curiosity of users on a topic such as “Why is Taiwan …”. I have done something similar but with much wider geographic and linguistic choices on the topic “Mothers should” in a previous post, here I want to demonstrate the power of Baidu Suggest (similar to Google’s autocomplete service provided by the major search engine in mainland China) to gauge the curiosity of *Baidu users* (a significant presentation of mainland Chinese users) using *simplified Chinese-language* queries on the topic of major East Asian countries, the Unite States and two major Chinese cities (Beijing and Shanghai). Continue reading

Aggregation of Arabic and Chinese voices: a historical reflection on the material foundations for revolutionary voices

此小论文原以英文写作,中文介绍可点此

The comparative efforts along the line of Arabic versus Chinese have produced some interesting work in answering why, in 2011, there is Arab Spring/Revolution but no Chinese Spring (e.g. Atlantic, JIA SIPA, The Diplomat). I was in Washington D.C. at that time, as a visiting research fellow on International Values, Communications, Technology, and Global Internet, reflecting on then current affairs in all their historical complexities. After all, revolutions (even just the modern ones) are not that foreign in Arab and Chinese histories, but somehow *modern* revolutions in both worlds do have some mixture of native and foreign elements. Now I want to share this historical reflection so that the central question of “foreign influence” can be better discussed. I argue that modern revolutionary attempts always have some *foreign* dimensions because of the need for radical ideas to challenge the status quo, but for revolutionary ideas to gain popular support, they must somehow have voice-aggregation mechanism that works for them to overcome both technological and linguistic barriers to connect. Continue reading

The relevance of Wuhan Information School in understanding China’s main policy concept of cyberspace: order

After I have briefly introduced a PhD dissertation on China’s Internet content regulation, I want to continue the theoretical and intellectual discussions on the relevance of “Wuhan Information School”. I argue that their work, by adapting the theories of “complex adaptive systems” and “spontaneous order”, constitutes an interesting dialogue with China’s main policy concept of cyberspace: “order”. Continue reading

Super-secure quantum network: Is China ahead?

Some current news articles report and discuss a scientific report presented by a major Chinese scientist at the International Conference on Quantum Communication, Measurement and Computing (QCMC), with early media coverage by China’s organ Xinhua News and Hong Kong media South China Morning Post. This blog post sadly cannot give any conclusive assessment whether China is truly ahead, but will nevertheless explain why it does not matter that much if China is indeed ahead of the rest of the world. Continue reading

A new PhD dissertation from China provides a map for researchers to navigate China’s Internet content regulation “rules”

China’s Internet Content Regulation: A study of 195 policy documents and 10 elites’ interviews mapped out 14 subject areas that involve 58 agencies with 3 core ones in the middle of action. I had this privilege to read a pre-publication copy of PhD dissertation titled “Study on China’s Internet Content Regulation Mechanism” (中国互联网内容监管机制研究), written by Xiaoyu Li (李小宇) at Wuhan University’s School of Information Management (武汉大学信息管理学院) under the supervision of a prominent Information Science scholar Professor Fei-Cheng Ma (马费成). Based on a series of detailed and innovative analysis of 195 regulation policy documents within the time frame from 1994 to 2011 and (elite) interviews of 10 people who participated in Internet content regulation, the thesis provides a well-organized historical account of the progression and changes of China’s Internet content regulation (including the censorship/filtering regime). It provides a necessary map of policies, agencies and regulation history for researchers and policymakers alike to navigate the “rules”, especially in the context where just recently China suggested that Facebook must follow the “rules” as precondition to “entering China”. Continue reading

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